McCombs, M. The agenda-setting role of the mass media in the shaping of public opinion. The agenda setting function of mass media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36 2 doi: Agenda-setting research: Where has it been? Where is it going? Communication Yearbook, 11, Walgrave, S. The contingency of the mass media's political agenda setting power: Toward a preliminary theory. Journal of Communication, 56, Weaver, D.
Thoughts on agenda setting, framing, and priming. Journal of Communication, doi: Related Papers. An overview of Agenda Setting Theory.
By Hasniar Rofiq. Second Level Agenda Setting Theory. By Amber Freeland. Agenda Setting and Framing. By Mantsho Mashigo. By Koblowe Obono.
Interpreting the evidence from this study as indicating mass media influence seems more plausible than alternative explanations. This assumption is not plausible; since few directly participate in presidential election campaigns, and fewer still see presidential candidates in person, the information flowing in inter- personal communication channels is primarily relayed from, and based upon, mass media news coverage.
T h e media are the major primary sources of national political information; for most, mass media provide the best—and only—easily available approximation of ever-changing political realities.
I t might also be argued that the high correlations indicate that the media simply were successful in matching their messages to audi- ence interests. Yet since numerous studies indicate a sharp divergence between the news values of professional journalists and their audi- ences, it would be remarkable to find a near perfect fit in this one case.
While this study is primarily a sociology of politics and mass com- munication, some psychological data were collected on each voter's personal cognitive representation of the issues.
Shrauger has sug- gested that the salience of the evaluative dimension—not the sheer number of attributes—is the essential feature of cognitive differen- tiation.
It is easier to argue that Chapel Hill voters fit their judgments of issue salience to the mass media than the reverse. An interesting study which discusses the problems of trying to fit day-to-day news judg- ments to reader interest is Guido H. An older study is Philip F. Others were much more matter-of-fact. Each respondent's answers were classified by the coders as "all affect," "affect dominant," "some affect but not dominant," or "no affect at alL" 16 Regarding each voter's salience of affect as his cognitive style of storing political information, the study hypothe- sized that cognitive style also influences patterns of information-seek- ing.
But a number of highly efficient locator variables for voter communication behavior already are well documented in the research literature. Among these are level of formal education and interest in politics generally. However, in terms of The American Voter's model of a "funnel" stretching across time, education and political interest are located some distance back from the particular campaign being considered. It also would seem to have the advan- tage of a more functional relationship to voter behavior.
Examination of the relationship between salience of affect and this pair of traditional locators, education and political interest, showed no significant correlations.
T h e independent effects of politi- cal interest and salience of affect on media use are demonstrated in Table 6. Also demonstrated is the efficacy of salience of affect as a locator or predictor of media use, especially among persons with high political interest.
Cognition, by contrast, denotes the individual's perception of the attitude object, his "image" or organized set of information and beliefs about a political object. Salience of affect was coded from their discussion of why the issue was important. Use of each communication medium is based on whether or not the respondent had seen or heard anything via that medium about that particular issue in the past twenty-four hours.
High salience of affect tends to block use of communication media to acquire further information about issues with high per- sonal importance. This is true both for persons with low and high political interest, but especially among those with high political interest. For example, among respondents with high political interest and high salience of affect only 36 per- cent reported reading anything in the newspaper recently about the issue they believed to be most important.
But among high political interest respondents with low salience of affect nearly six of ten Similar patterns hold for all the communication media. Future studies of communication behavior and political agenda- setting must consider both psychological and sociological variables; knowledge of both is crucial to establishment of sound theoretical constructs.
Considered at both levels as a communication concept, agenda-setting seems useful for study of the process of political con- sensus. Related Papers. By Donald Shaw. By Lailiya Nur Rokhman. The way young people dress,act,relate to others,is cause by the different types of music they listen to.
Agenda setting gives the media power to decide what news we see and hear, also what part of the news is important. The media manipulate the news the make all decisions. Posted by V. Anonymous February 14, at PM. This service is more advanced with JavaScript available. Advertisement Hide. McCombs und Donald L.
Shaw Chapter First Online: 06 November This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access. The Agenda-Setting function of mass media.
Public Opinion Quarterly , 36 , — CrossRef Google Scholar. McCombs, M. Communication and democracy: Exploring the theoretical frontiers in Agenda Setting theory. Mahwah NJ : Erlbaum. Google Scholar.
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New York: Praeger. Publizistik, 39 , — Brosius, H. Linear and nonlinear models of Agenda-Setting in television. Cohen, B. The press and foreign policy. Princeton University Press. Dearing, J. Thousand Oaks CA : Sage. Edelstein, A. Thinking about the criterion variable in Agenda-Setting research.
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